Life Begins in the Garden

There is a sign dangling in my neighbor’s yard by the flower beds that reads “Life Begins in the Garden.” farmersWhen I saw the sign the other day, I thought “How true.” As I’ve thought about it more since then, I have realized just how remarkably profound and thoroughly Christian the statement is. Naturally, Chesterton puts it best:

“On the third day the friends of Christ coming at daybreak to the place found the grave empty and the stone rolled away. In varying ways they realised the new wonder; but even they hardly realised that the world had died in the night. What they were looking at was the first day of a new creation, with a new heaven and a new earth; and in a semblance of the gardener God walked again in the garden, in the cool not of the evening but the dawn” (The Everlasting Man [Dover, 2007], 207).

Life began in Eden at creation, and began anew at the garden scene of the resurrection (cf. Gen 2:8; John 20:15). As Fred Putnam points out, one of the commonest metaphors used of God in Scripture is that he is a farmer (e.g. Ps 80:8-9). Conversely, people are plants (e.g. Ps 1:3). When the True Vine revives after the winter of divine abnegation, he offers life to those grafted into him by the Fatherly Vine-dresser.

Easter, MMXIV

Duccio di Buoninsegna, 1308-1311

 

A User’s Guide to Papyri.info (Part I) – Language

Papyri.info is an amazing resource. I chose it for one of my first few Resource Reviews since I have used it for a good deal of my recent research in LXX. But as I set out to write a review of it, I ended up writing enough to break the post in half (at least). In an effort to provide background to why this resource is valuable, it seemed necessary to provide the following primer post.

The Linguistic Setting of the Septuagint

Perhaps it goes without saying, but the Septuagint is (mostly) a work of translation. That is to say, it is not an “original” composition, but a derivative text. It is a translation made by Second Temple Jews of their Hebrew Scriptures into the then current lingua franca. The Second Temple Period began after the restoration of Israel to their land by Cyrus II (“the Great”) of Persia (cf. Ezra 1:2-4; 6:3-5), and it continued under the Macedonian general Alexander (also “the Great”) whose military campaign unified the Mediterranean world under a single language: Greek. Even before Alexander’s conquest, however, Greek language and culture had come to some prominence as a result of the 5th century B.C.E. Grecian victory at Thermopylae, after which trade routes opened to the Palestinian region (Law, When God Spoke Greek, ch. 2).

macedonian_empire_336_323

The Macedonian Empire

As Greek became the common language, even the Jews apparently felt a need for their own literature to be available in that language. Just what that need was, precisely, is a matter of some debate, the answer to which influences how issues discussed below are dealt with. But I digress. The Greek spoken around the Empire was not Classical Greek any longer, but Koine (“common”) Greek. Koine was a different form of the language that made commerce and cultural interaction possible among many people groups, and it was used right through the New Testament and Patristic eras. Notably, the task of translation was not novel in the 3rd century B.C.E., since in the multilingual ancient world governmental documents changed hands and languages between rulers (cf. Isa 36:11ff). Still, the magnitude of the task of translating the Hebrew Scriptures was unprecedented at that point in human history. Scholars are largely agreed that the job was done in Alexandria, Egypt, although some scholars still argue for Palestinian origins, amongst other possibilities.

The Pharos of Ptolemy in Alexandria, Egypt

All this to say that the linguistic setting of the LXX translation is primarily that of Alexandrian, Koine Greek. Still, there has been debate among LXX scholars, now settled with near certainty, as to what kind of Greek appears in the LXX. Some scholars (Winer, Hatch, Swete, Turner, etc.) thought the LXX was composed of a kind of Jewish-Greek dialect (“Jüdengriechisch”), a conclusion they came to by correctly observing that the LXX includes Greek phrases whose syntax could be categorized (rightly or wrongly) as Semitic. That frequent phenomenon is what LXX scholars call “Hebrew interference,” or a “Hebraism,” meaning “a Greek word, phrase, or syntagma which transfers certain characteristic Hebrew elements into Greek in an un-Greek fashion” (E. Tov, “The Septuagint,” in Mikra, 179). Others thought the LXX was written in Classical Greek, or was even “Holy Spirit” Greek. Later scholarship, however, (Deissmann, Thumb, Thackeray, Lee, etc.) showed that Hebraisms were in fact not a product of a supposed Jewish-Greek dialect. Again at the risk of oversimplification, the LXX is instead composed of “regular old” Koine Greek – the same Koine that was used by everyone in Alexandria at that time. The reason for the apparent Semitic syntax in the LXX is (in part) that it is, as mentioned, a translated textWhere LXX Greek appears with Hebrew syntactical characteristics rather than conventional Greek syntax, it is ordinarily due to the translator’s choice to preserve the word order of his source text (for whatever reason, and there are many possibilities!). Back to papyri.info. One great way to confirm that LXX Greek is identical to the “regular old” Koine Greek of Alexandria (and elsewhere) is to compare the two. This is what Deissmann and, later, John A. L. Lee did, and it is the first purpose I will mention for which this LXX resource can be used. The second purpose is to help determine the semantic range, or meaning, of a given Koine word. papyri At this point we bump into yet another debate in LXX scholarship, however, namely whether the meaning of the Greek words in the LXX are to be determined primarily by reference to their Hebrew counterpart, or primarily by reference to their contemporary Hellenistic usage (cf. Tov’s discussion on εἰρήνη as a stereotyped equivalent for שׁלום [“Three Dimensions of Words in the Septuagint,” in The Greek and Hebrew Bible, 88-9]). Answering this question is complex, and requires some concept of the purpose of the LXX overall (which again runs into another controversy over the so-called Interlinear Model). But to stay on task, I will come to a stop here to anticipate a fuller discussion in my next post of how to utilize the site papyri.info (pictured above). In that post, I’ll punt on all these debates I’ve mentioned tantalizingly – a discussion for another day! – to focus on the search power of this excellent LXX resource.

The Leon Levy Dead Sea Scrolls Digital Library

As promised, the first of my Resource Reviews, collected here.

The Digital Scrolls Library

A few months ago, the Tyndale House posted a link on Facebook to an amazing resource that I thought was worth highlighting here as a first review. The Leon Levy Dead Sea Scrolls Digital Library is the result of the work of the Israel Antiquities Authority (IAA), who have used the latest digital technology to provide high resolution images freely to the public. The site offers hundreds of manuscripts and thousands of fragments found in the Judean Desert between 1947 and the early 1960s.

Not only that, but the site is actually quite beautiful and user-friendly – not often the case for online biblical studies resources! My favorite feature of the site (beside this interesting historical timeline) is the multi-criteria archive search page, where users can sort by archaeological site, language, scroll content, and even more technical filters like material, historic period, and manuscript type. The Greek manuscripts and fragments add up to just over 130 items, a remarkable resource for LXX and OT scholar alike.

This nice video does some of the work for me:

The Significance of Qumran for LXX Studies

Much could be said here, so I will limit myself as much as possible. The discovery of the Qumran documents was a paradigm-shifting event in the world of biblical studies. Prior to the Dead Sea Scrolls (DSS), the amount of primary manuscript evidence for the Hebrew Old Testament had been largely limited to material from the 11-13th century C.E. and later. Important exceptions to this were of course some evidence in the Cairo Geniza (see the collection here), the Masoretic Leningrad Codex, and the Greek OT content of the Vaticanus and Sinaiticus uncials (both 4th century C.E.). Due to this lack of evidence, OT textual criticism was (far more) difficult. When the DSS were found, however, suddenly scholars had access to primary materials up to a millennium older than what they had on hand, precipitating a new era in OT scholarship.

Most of the DSS date between the 3rd century B.C.E. and the 1st century C.E. The collection includes religious literature far afield from what is today considered the canonical Old Testament, although that too was found. As a sectarian community, the Qumran covenanters had texts detailing their unique religious practices, commentaries, wisdom texts, calendars, and so on. Most are written in Hebrew, but Aramaic, Greek, and even unidentified languages were also used. Amazingly, every book of the bible was discovered (except, curiously, the book of Esther).

The payoff for LXX studies, of course, is the Greek texts among the collection. As little OT evidence as existed in Hebrew, there was even less for the Greek OT, particularly from the pre-Christian era. One of the most significant aspects of the DSS for LXX studies is that the evidence is pre-Hexaplaric, i.e. represents texts not influenced by the 3rd century C.E. text critical work of Origen. Origen’s efforts were massive and admirable, but disastrous for later textual critics.

While no significant divergences in the Greek DSS appeared in comparison to the major uncials, some scholars believe the latter may reflect updating or revision of some kind, usually attributed to Christian scribes. In short, the DSS shed unprecedented light upon the history of the Greek translation of the OT, and provided a sea of primary evidence on which scholars of Hebrew OT studies would set sail as well. May the voyage continue!

An excellent overview of further points of interest for LXX studies can be found in Jobes & Silva, Invitation to the Septuagint (Baker, 2000), chapter 8. (Buy here). Also see E. Tov, “The Contribution of the Qumran Scrolls to the Understanding of the Septuagint,” 285-300 in The Greek and Hebrew Bible (Brill, 1999).